Pagan Musicians Masterpost

dipped-mystik:

arcadiansatyr:

Here’s a list of pagan bands/artists for your listening pleasure! Feel free to add more if you know them:

  • Damh the Bard – Folk (Celtic)
  • Blackmore’s Night – Folk Rock (Renaissance)
  • Castalia – Rock (Wiccan/Greek)
  • Elaine Silver – Folk/Acapella (Faerie)
  • Emerald Rose – Folk (Celtic/Wiccan?)
  • Enya – New Age  (Not actually pagan, but very calming/spiritual)
  • Faun – German Rock (Celtic/Norse)
  • Fleetwood Mac – Soft Rock (Again, not pagan, but spiritual)
  • Stevie Nicks – Pop/Folk Rock (Lead singer of FM, very witchy)
  • Fugli – Folk/Spoken Word (Shakespearean Faerie)
  • Gary Stadler – New Age Composer/Pianist (Celtic/Faerie)
  • Fehu – Folk Rock (Norse)
  • Wendy Rule – New Age/Rock (Faerie)
  • Heather Dale – Folk Rock (Greek)
  • KIVA – New Age/Chants (Greek/Celtic)
  • Spiral Dance – Folk Rock (Greek/Celtic)
  • Heather Alexander – Irish Folk/Acapella (Celtic/Arthurian)
  • Lisa Thiel – Acapella/Folk (Faerie)
  • Moonstruck – Rock/Metal (Wiccan/Celtic)
  • Lucidian – Folk (Wiccan)
  • Llewellyn – New Age (Arthurian/Healing Spirituality)
  • Robert Gass – Chants (Mother Earth Spirituality)
  • S.J. Tucker – Folk Rock (Celtic-ish, just generally Witchy)
  • Spiral Rhythm – Chants (Perfect for drum circles)
  • Threefold – New Age (Wiccan/Celtic)
  • Gheorghe Zamfir – Instrumental Pop (Pan pipes)
  • Loreena McKennitt – New Age/Folk Rock (Celtic)
  • Heidevolk – Folk Metal (Norse/Celtic)
  • Wolfchant – Viking Metal (Norse)
  • Arkona – Russian Pagan Metal (Norse)

I listen to most of these.

lapiscat:

Tips for beginner witches

Where to start? This is the most common question i receive. I understand how overwhelming the craft can be! There are so many different components, and you can rest knowing your education will NEVER be complete. You will continue to learn new things all the time, and there is no rush to the order in which you learn! Cool down, and take some time to really fall into theory before jumping into practice. Its very important to read as much as you can, from as many sources as possible. Here are some of the many things you can research:

  • Crystals & their uses
  • Color correspondences
  • Different kinds of Magic
  • Different kinds of witches
  • Tools
  • Moon Phases
  • Planets/Celestial Bodies
  • Witch History
  • Herbs & their uses
  • Plants that are naturally abundant in your area that you can use in magick
  • Energy
  • Meditation and Visualisation
  • Astral Projection
  • Deities
  • Tarot cards and other forms of divination
  • Symbols (runes, sigils)
  • Theban alphabet 
  • Incense and Oils
  • Animals and what they represent
  • Sabbats
  • Cleansing, charging and consecration of tools
  • making mundane things magical

There are so many more things, so feel free to add in anything I missed or that you personally find important.

Witchlings, please ask me any questions you may have as i am happy to answer to the best of my knowledge. I will be putting up more educational posts over the next few weeks, so please ask or message me if theres anything specific you’d like me to cover. I’ll more than likely have a post for each of the bullet points above.

Blessed be!

Godchecker.com

writingwithcolor:

writeworld:

We have more Gods and Goddesses than you can shake a stick at.

Our Mythology Encyclopedia features over 3,700 weird and wonderful Supreme Beings, Demons, Spirits and Fabulous Beasts from all over the world. Explore ancient legends and folklore, and discover Gods of everything from Fertility to Fluff with Godchecker…


Yo.

Godchecker.com

Witch tips without warnings just keep popping up . . .

stsathyre:

witchypookie:

stsathyre:

Hey kids,

Before you rub an unknown thing on your skin, ingest an unfamiliar thing, light a random recommendation from the internet on fire, or otherwise come in contact with something that you are not personally knowledgeable about, take 2 seconds and google it.

For example:

  • St. Johns Wort, if ingested, has negative interactions with anti-depressants, and interferes with birth control because it speeds up the metabolism of certain substances.
  • Continuous exposure to fluorite causes a painful bone disease. Fluorite dust can be absorbed through the lungs, skin, and is soluble in water.
  • There are parts of  yew that should not be burned.
  • Mugwort is related to ragweed and can cause allergic reactions. Also, it can cause and enhance anxiety.
  •  Essential oils, man

No, really. 2 seconds. Google. You’re at an internet connected device anyway. Save yourself the trouble of a bad time.

Chamomile is also related to ragweed I believe. I am super allergic, just smelling it gives me a migraine.

Oh! I didn’t know that.

Just goes to show that even commonly used items can cause issues.

violetwitchcraft:

Witchcraft uses a lot of words you might not have heard before; here’s a breakdown of some of the most common!

Basics

Intent: The goal or desire; the will for something to come into being.

Visualisation: A technique used in magical workings in which the witch pictures the desired effect within their mind’s eye.

Manifestation: The process of a desired intent being brought into reality.

Charging: The act of filling an object with energy.

Cleansing: A magical working with the intent of removing all lingering energies from an object, place or person, be those energies negative or positive.

Grounding: A magical technique in which the individual removes excess unwanted energy (often by ‘pushing’ it into the ground while sitting down) and aligns themselves with the energy of the earth.

Banishing: A magical working with the intent of sending something away, removing an individual from your life or cutting out negative acts and behaviours.

Warding: A magical working in which the individual creates ‘Wards’. Wards are barriers of energy which deny any unwanted entity entrance to the place warded. Wards can also be placed upon oneself to prevent a magical attack.

Deity: A supreme being. Often represented by Gods and Goddesses though not limited to these terms.

Tools, Objects & Symbology

Grimoire:  A personal magical inventory of beliefs, spells, ingredients and anything else deemed essential to a witches path. 

Altar: A sacred space in which to enact magical workings, meditation and worship.

Wand: A pointed object used to direct energy.

Priapic Wand: A phallus-shaped wand.

Athame: A knife used in ritual to cut out a sacred space and to direct energy. Typically you will never use this to cut solid objects.

Book Of Shadows: A personal magical inventory of beliefs, spells, ingredients and anything else deemed essential to a Wiccan’s path.

Boline: A knife, often but not always a sickle, used for the cutting of ingredients, inscribing of candles and carving of wood.

Besom: A broomstick used to cleanse an area.

Cauldron: A metal pot used for spellwork. (Boiling, mixing, stirring).

Chalice: A goblet, cup or class containing ritual drink. Typically containing offerings.

Dark Mirror: A black piece of glass or reflective material used for scrying.

Pentagram: A five-pointed star widely used amongst many Pagan religions.

Pentacle: A pentagram with a circle around it, typically worn as a necklace for protection.

Inversed Pentagram: A symbol relating to Satanic practises and beliefs.

Septagram: A seven-sided star, usually used in reference to workings with the Fae.

Triquetra: An ancient Celtic symbol which has lost its initial meanings which is today adopted by Pagans of varying paths to mean different things. In Christianity referred to as the trinity knot and believed to represent the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. A secular way of viewing this is that it represents life, death and rebirth. In Wicca believed to represent the triple Goddess. 

Amulet: An object that has innate magical properties used as a necklace.

Charm: An object that has been given magical properties.

Talisman: An object that has been created with the intention of having a specific magical property

Hag Stone: A stone with a hole worn naturally worn through it in which the other side is visible. Thought to be used to see the ‘unseen’ and often the Fae.

Poppet: An object designed to take on the likeness of an individual upon which spells are used. A taglock is used to bind the person to the poppet.

Taglock: The personal effect of an individual that can be used in spellwork as a link to that target. 


Festivities, Holidays & Events

Wheel Of The Year: A name used to refer to the cycle of the eight holidays observed in Wicca; synonymously used to describe the turn of the seasons.

Solstice: Two points in the year in which the sun reaches its highest or lowest point in the sky. The longest and shortest days of the year.

Esbat: A meeting upon the full moon.

Sabbat: Used to refer to any of the eight holidays observed by Wiccans and others.

Skyclad: To be naked. Believed to promote a greater connection to nature during ritual and worship. 

Equinox: The time in which day and night are of equal length as the sun crosses the celestial equator.

Coven: A meeting of witches with the intent to perform magic or worship as a group.

Circle: A temporary space marked out by a magical practitioner that is capable of containing, enhancing and binding magical energy.


Further Reading  

Mage: Another term for a magical practitioner.

Aether: The fifth element after Earth, Air, Fire and Water meaning Spirit, Energy, Life Essense & Soul.

Abjuration: Practices of magic relating to the protection of oneself through the suppression of spells cast by other magic practitioners.

Conjuration: Practices of magic relating to bringing desired effects into reality.

Divination: Practices of magic relating to gathering further insight on desired topics, including knowledge of the past and the future. 

Enchantment: Practices of magic relating to enacting influence over the minds and decisions of others.

Evocation: Practices of magic relating to working with raw, sometimes uncontrollable forces of power.

Animism: Practices of magic relating to animals.

Glamour: Practices of magic pertaining to achieving desired intent via altering, enhancing or changing one’s appearance.

Blasting: A magical working with the intent of causing infertility and ill health, in both people and crops.

Sigil: A magical symbol created by the individual, usually constructed by breaking down a word or sentence and using the letters.

Seal: A magical symbol. Often used to finalise a working.

Elemental (Noun): A force, being, entity or representation of an element given form and sometimes rudimentary conscious thought, though not in a way thought to be understood correctly by humankind. 

Elemental (Adjective): Pertaining to any workings regarding the elements


Witchcraft Types

Secular: The practice of witchcraft at its core. Devoid of any influence from religion or spirituality.

Atheistic: The practice of witchcraft from an Athiest perspective.

Elemental: The practice of witchcraft in which the individual utilises the power of the Elements as their primary source of energy and spell structure. E.g Water Witch, Fire Witch, etc.

Wiccan: Belonging to Wicca, a relatively new nature-based religion born in the 1940′s/50′s in which Witchcraft is expressed as the main form of worship for the God and Goddess.

Traditional: Witchcraft that predates the rebirth in popularity of Witchcraft during the 20th Century.

Hedge: A solitary practitioner who utilises herbs in their practice. Once used exclusively for witches who follow the practice of ‘Hedge Riding’ this term has opened out to encompass those following the archetype of the ‘village witch’ providing salves and potions. 

Stregheria: A form of Italian witchcraft, often centred around the worship of Leyland’s version of Aradia and Diana (though the term can also be used for other forms of Italian witchcraft).

Christian: The practice of witchcraft from a Christian perspective. 

Witchling / Baby Witch: Terms used to describe new practitioners.

i was talking to a friend about gift-giving practices in norse societies. I thought you’d have a more eloquent way of explaining the basics? And I’d love to hear what you think are the basic need-to-know’s about give-giving and reciprocity in ancient heathenistic societies. :)

fjorn-the-skald:

Velkomin, gestir mínir!
(Welcome, my guests!) 

Gather around, friends; the fire is still warm and lively! One night, a fair bit ago now, a raven flew into my hall bearing this interesting question from an anonymous wanderer. It has particular relevance to this gift-giving season (Jól (Yule/Christmas) for some), which is quickly approaching us. I am sure that everyone in the hall this evening can agree that this question is indeed a worthy one! Considering that gifts will soon be exchanged by many folk, it is high time that I got around to answering this anonymous wanderer’s request, ?


A NOTE OF CAUTION

Most of my knowledge about gift-giving in the Medieval North comes from Iceland, so I must admit that my discussion about this topic will heavily rely on sources written specifically about medieval Icelandic society. Do not fret, though! It is within reason to say that life in Iceland was not too drastically different from life in Scandinavia during this time (c.900-1300), at least in regards to cultural and social traditions. Such things have rather deep roots, after all. Yet, it is always good to remember the place and context of our sources. Most of the sources that I have mentioned throughout our discussion have their origins in Iceland from around the thirteenth century (1200-1299). That’s quite late, especially when many folk are thinking of the Viking Age (c.793-1066)! While these sources then provide far more insight regarding Icelandic society around the thirteenth century, they are still able to paint a relative picture of how Norse societies generally functioned before (and even after) this time period. This must be done with caution though, so do your best not to let the information discussed in the hall this evening wander too far from my warnings! Always be weary of the knowledge that you acquire, as well as how it was gathered.


THE SOCIAL WEB OF GIFT-GIVING

One thing that will quickly be noticed is that our sources frequently give precedence to gift-giving practices between chieftains (goðar) and well-to-do farmers (bœndr).This social class is the primary subject of many family sagas, which are prose narratives written around the thirteenth century, but set in the Saga Age (c.930-1030), about prominent Icelandic families. These sources often act as our dominant window into the Norse world, so it is important to understand their complexities. As scholars such as Jesse L. Byock and William Ian Miller have demonstrated, these sagas reflect genuine Icelandic (and, more broadly, Norse) social practices. Therefore, while their accuracy of their setting (the Saga Age) may be questionable, the social and cultural norms they illustrate are worth paying attention to. But enough of my technical rambling! Allow me to share some positive examples of gift-giving from Njáls saga (c.1280), which I will follow-up with some insights:

There was a man named Gunnar who was from Iceland. He was a great warrior and none were his equal. One summer he went abroad and fought against other Vikings in the Baltic. He and his companions, Kolskegg and Hallvard, had great success on this journey, and sailed away from the Baltic with many treasures. They headed for Hedeby in Denmark to meet with King Harald Gormsson, Harald Bluetooth’s father. When he arrived, the king welcomed him warmly and gave him a seat next to his own, which was a tremendous honor to give.

The king spoke to Gunnar: ‘It appears to me that your equal is not to be found far or near.“

The king offered to give him a wife and large holdings if he would settle down there. Gunnar thanked the king but said that first he wanted to return to Iceland to see his kinsmen and friends.

“Then you will never come back to us,” said the king (surely with a saddened tone).

“Fate must decide that, my lord,” said Gunnar.

Gunnar gave the king a good longship and many other valuables. The king gave him stately garments of his own, leather gloves embroidered with gold, a gold-studded headband, and a Russian hat.

Following this, Gunnar sailed north to Hrising, and then to Trondheim, where he intended to meet with Jarl Hakon of Norway. Jarl Hakon received him well and invited Gunnar to spend the winter with him; Gunnar accepted. He had the respect of everybody there. At Yule the jarl gave him a gold bracelet.

In the spring, Gunnar made his way back to Iceland. But before leaving, the jarl offered him as much flour and timber as he wanted – despite the fact that supplies were low that year. Gunnar thanked him and set off for Iceland, arriving there early in the summer. Gunnar then rode home, but soon after went to see his good friend Njal. They discussed Gunnar’s travels and Njal gave him warnings, for Gunnar’s new wealth would bring jealousy. Upon leaving Njal’s home, Gunnar gave him good gifts and thanked him for looking after his property while he was away.2

Even in this short passage from Njáls saga, several examples of gift-giving are mentioned. But the most important thing to mention here is that gift-giving always occurred within the context of building and solidifying social relations.Gunnar, who caught the eye of King Harald, was offered gifts by the king, who wanted him to stay in Denmark and enter into his service. The king’s gifts to Gunnar reflected a desire to better their social relationship with one another. While the king hoped to win over Gunnar, or perhaps make him feel obligated to enter his service, Gunnar turned him down. 

 Yet, one could argue that he was only able to do this because he offered the king gifts in return. This was another important aspect about gift-giving in the Norse world, that a gift was meant to be repaid, whether through more gifts or through social obligations.4 Both King Harald and Jarl Hakon would expect Gunnar to serve them in the future, if he were to sail abroad to their lands again. Jarl Hakon’s Yule-gift to Gunnar, after all, was in similar spirit as King Harald’s offers: to establish a positive social relationship. 

 Gifts could be given when social relations were already well-established, of course. When Gunnar returns to Iceland, he quickly makes his way to his best friend’s home, who, as we learned, watched his property for him while he was away. Njal also encouraged him to go abroad when Hallvard came to Iceland and urged Gunnar to join him in raiding.Thus, Gunnar offered Njal gifts to repay the favors that Njal had done for him: good advice, protecting his property, and continued friendship.


GIFT-GIVING AT FEASTS

But we cannot leave out the importance of gift-giving at social gatherings! While this type of gift exchange was closely related to that which we have already talked about together (i.e. gifts steeped with social context), we have yet to see how gifts are exchanged at larger scales. It was not infrequent for households to hold feasts in their halls and invites friends, kin, and neighbors to join them. In the Norse world, however, it was expected that the host would give their guests gifts as they left. These norms are expressed in Hávamál, an Eddic poem about social wisdom, magic, and Odin. 6 But, to illustrate this norm in a narrative form, allow me to share another passage from Njáls saga:

There was a man named Hoskuld who was the foster-son of Njal. One day he invited Njal’s sons over for a feast, along with many other guests from the neighborhood. Everyone whom he had invited came to the feast, and it went very well. When people were ready to go home, Hoskuld chose good gifts for them and went along with the Njalssons on their way. The Sigfussons and all the others accompanied him. Both sides said that no one would ever come between them.7

This custom is mentioned several times in Njáls saga alone, as well as in several other sagas. Not much detail tends to be given though, likely because most folk listening to the saga were already familiar with such festivities. While this is indeed a woe for historians and curious readers, time need not be wasted on such things for them! To give more examples may run the risk of redundancy, but there is one from Laxdœla saga regarding Christmas that may be of particular interest to some folk in the hall this evening:

There was a man named Thorkel Eyjolfsson who became a leader of prominence in Iceland. After a summer spent in Norway, he returned to Iceland with a great deal of honor. Thorkel spent the following winter at home on his farm. He held a Christmas feast at Helgafell attended by a great number of people. Everything he did that winter was done extravagantly, with no opposition from Gudrun, who said that wealth was well spent if people gained esteem as a result, and anything Gudrun needed in order to have things in grand style was made available. That winter Thorkel gave gifts to his friends and many valuable objects he had brought with him from abroad.8

While it is true that our anonymous wanderer sought insight to how heathens gave gifts to one another, this example of converted Icelanders celebrating Christmas still holds some value for such ends! As we have spoken of to great lengths already, traditions and norms regarding the exchanging of gifts in the Norse world had rather deep roots (socially and culturally). Even after converting, these traditions did not change drastically. Feasts held for Christmas (ON jól) were likely much like those once held for Yule (ON jól), even the Old Norse word for such a holiday remained unchanged as conversion took place.


GIFT-GIVING AT YULE

When Yule came around, a Yule-feast (jólaboð) was held, which included Yule-drinking (jóladrykkja), perhaps even the drinking of Yule-ale (jólaǫl), and the exchanging of Yule-gifts (jólagjafar).10 A wonderful example of gift-exchanges during Yule comes from Egils saga, which I will now retell below:

There was a man named Arinbjorn who was a close friend of Egil’s. One year he held a great Yule feast to which he invited his friends and neighbors from the district. It was splendid and well attended. He gave Egil a customary Yuletide gift, a silk gown with ornate gold embroidery and gold buttons all the way down the front, which was cut especially to fit Egil’s frame. He also gave him a complete set of cloths, cut from English cloth in many colors. Arinbjorn gave all manner of tokens of friendship at Yuletide to the people who visited him, since he was exceptionally generous and firm of character.

Then Egil made a verse:

From kindness alone
that noble man gave the poet
a silk gown with gold buttons;
I will never have a better friend. 
Selfless Arinbjorn has earned 
the stature of a king
– or more. A long time will pass 
Before his like is born again.11


EXCHANGING THE GIFTS OF FEUD

Not all gift-giving was positive, though. While gifts were often used to promote new social relations and maintain old ones, as well as to satisfy guests and celebrate the holidays, gifts often had a broader scope in the Norse world. The gifts exchanged in feud, disputes between prominent families, were not in the form of goods from abroad or gifts from kings, but rather they were gifts of slander and blood. Consider this passage from Njáls saga:

After a feast gone wrong, Hallgerd, Gunnar’s troublesome wife, called Njal “Old Beardless” and his sons “Dung-beardlings.” These are grave insults for men to have received in the Norse world. News quickly spread of this slander, and when Bergthora, Njal’s wife, learned about this, she had this to say to her sons:

“Gifts have been given to you all, father and sons, and you’re not real men unless you repay them.”

“What gifts are these?” said Skarphedin, one of Njal’s sons.

“You, my sons, have all received the same gift: you have been called ‘Dung-beardlings,’ and my husband has been called ‘Old Beardless.’”

She then encourages them to act accordingly, and that night they left the farmstead with weapons and shields in their hands.12

As one can tell from this example, medieval Icelanders spoke about gifts not only in terms of goods exchanged, but also in terms of insults and offenses. These ‘gifts’ were much like those mentioned earlier: they had social implications and demanded repayment. Yet, a gift of slander is to be repaid in a similar fashion. So, what was their gift in return? They took the life of a man named Sigmund, who composed verses with these slanderous names at Hallgerd’s encouragement.13 Thus, the concept of gifts in the Norse world was not restricted to material goods exchanged between friends or social partners, gift-giving was also an intricate part of the larger game of honor and feud.14


GIFT-GIVING IN THE OLD LORE

To further illustrate just how imbedded gift-giving norms were in the Norse world, let’s consider some mythical examples involving the god Odin. As I mentioned briefly before, the Hávamál has much to say about host-guest traditions in the Norse world, and it is a poem ‘attributed’ to the High One, also known as Odin. Yet, his role in symbolizing gift-giving norms is highlighted through his interactions with great heroes, such as King Hrolf Kraki, Sigmund Volsungason, and Sigurd Fafnisbani. In these examples, Odin offers these heroes gifts that hold the promise of victory in battle. If they accept his gifts, they will be granted victory, but not indefinitely. He often offers these gifts in disguise, however, which tests the recipient. Odin performs the social expectations of a good host by offering gifts, but will the hero, as his guest, respond appropriately? Let’s see if King Hrolf Kraki can pass Odin’s gift-giving test:

King Hrolf and his men were riding one day when night was soon upon them. As the sun retreated from them, they came across a farm. When they went to the door for shelter, a farmer by the name of Hrani opened the door; they had run into him before. Hrani welcomed them in, and, performing wonderfully as a gracious host, he provided them with full hospitality. Before long, Hrani offered them gifts (as we saw with feasts in the sagas recalled above):

“Here, I want to give you these weapons,” said the farmer.

The king replied, “These are hideous weapons, farmer.” There was a shield, a sword, and a coat of mail, but King Hrolf refused to accept the equipment. Hrani’s mood quickly changed. He nearly lost his temper, thinking that he had been shown dishonor.

Hrani said, “You, King Hrolf, are not acting as cleverly as you think, and you are not always as wise as you might assume.” The farmer was much offended.

Now there was no staying the night and, even though it was dark outside, they prepared to ride away. Hrani’s face showed only displeasure; he thought himself poorly valued. The king had refused to accept his gifts, and he did nothing to hinder their leaving if that would please them. King Hrolf and his company rode out and, as matters stood, there were no farewells.

When they had not gone very far, Bodvar halted and said, “Good sense comes late to fools, and so it comes to me now. I suspect that we have not behaved very wisely in rejecting what we should have accepted. We may have denied ourselves victory.”

King Hrolf answered, “I suspect the same, because that must have been Odin the Old. Certainly the man had but one eye.”15

It was too late to reverse their offense; their victory was denied. What is important to make note of here, though, is that this mythological scene reveals much about Norse customs. As we saw before, hosts often gave their guests gifts, but little was said before about guest rejecting such gifts. Here we see this unfold, and the guests’ refusal of the host’s gifts results in a grave offense being made. This matter was made worse by the fact that Hrani was actually Odin. Nonetheless, it still reflects genuine social norms.


CONCLUSION

There are a few other examples of Odin’s gift-giving in Völsunga saga, but I suspect that I have rambled on far longer than I was requested to. After all, our anonymous wanderer asked for the basics of gift-giving, did they not? Let’s not get too carried away then, ? Allow me to summarize what has been said about Norse gift-giving practices for all the folk in the hall this evening:

  • Our sources for gift-giving practices frequently give precedence to chieftains (goðar) and well-to-do farmers (bœndr), as well as kings abroad (especially Norway).
  • For those people, gift-giving always occurred within the context of building and solidifying social relations (kings to heroes, friends to friends, kin to kin – usually occurring between people of relatively similar social status).
  • A gift was meant to be repaid, whether through more gifts or through social obligations.
  • At feasts and social gatherings, hosts would give gifts to their guests (this was expected social behavior; if a gift was not given, the guest would be insulted).
  • Gifts were often exchanged during Yuletide at special feasts called jólaboð. This could occur between close friends or even to the local community.
  • Gift-giving was also an intricate part of the larger game of honor and feud (an insult or injury was considered a gift, and was expected to be repaid as such).
  • If a guest refuses the gifts of their host, the host will be insulted (just as a guest would be if the host does not offer them a gift).
  • Odin is deeply connected with gift-giving, especially in regards to the guest-host relationship.

There is certainly more that could be said about gift-giving in the Norse world, such as the examples from the grágás of laws dictating that gifts were to be given to those who were less fortunate.16 But if I were to include everything, I wouldn’t be giving our wanderer the basics, would I? Thus, the bullet points above are my own selected basics of Norse gift-giving that folk gathered here tonight should be aware of. Yet, I should say that there is much more to learn by reading the sagas for yourself! As always, I highly encourage you all to delve into those fascinating tales from the days of old! They are all truly quite wondrous. But, for now, let’s return to drink and merriment, shall we? I hope that my stories have provided you with some wisdom and pleasure, but festivities await, so let’s not dwell!

Skál! (Cheers!)
 – Fjorn the Skald


ENDNOTES

  1. For more on goðar and bœndr, see William Ian Miller, “Chieftains and Thingmen,” in Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law, and Society in Saga Iceland (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 22-26.
  2. To read this passage in earnest, without summarization and reinterpretation, see Robert Cook trans., Njal’s Saga (London: Penguin, 2001), 48-52 (chapters 30-32).
  3. Miller, Bloodtaking and Peacemaking, 82.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Cook trans., Njal’s Saga, 46 (chapter 28).
  6. To read this poem, see Carolyne Larrington trans., The Poetic Edda (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 13-35.
  7. Cook trans., Njal’s Saga, 185 (chapter 109).
  8. Retold and quoted from Keneva Kunz trans., The Saga of the People of Laxardal and Bolli Bollason’s Tale (London: Penguin Books, 2008), 164-66 (chapters 74 and 75).
  9. See Geir T. Zoëga, A Concise Dictionary of Old Icelandic (Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2004), 234, for a full definition of jól and other related words.
  10. For the definitions of these terms, see the source cited above.
  11. Retold and quoted from Bernard Scudder trans., Egil’s Saga (London: Penguin Books, 2004), 146 (chapter 68).
  12. Cook trans., Njal’s Saga, 74 (chapter 44).
  13. Ibid.
  14. For more on Norse feud, see Jesse L. Byock, Feud in the Icelandic Saga (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982) and William Ian Miller, Bloodtaking and Pacemaking: Feud, Law, and Society in Saga Iceland (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).
  15. Retold and quoted from Jesse L. Byock trans., The Saga of King Hrolf Kraki (London: Penguin Books, 1998), 68 (chapter 30).
  16. Miller, Bloodtaking and Peacemaking, 82-83.

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spiritscraft:

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Mastering Witchcraft by Paul Huson
Traditional Witchcraft by Gemma Gary (audio book available)
Treading the Mill by Nigel Pearson
A Deed Without a Name by Lee Morgan*
Flame in the Cauldron by Orion Foxwood*
Authentic Witchcraft by Grayson Magnus*
Fifty Years in the Feri Tradition by Cora Anderson*
A Crones Book of Words by Valerie Worth
A Witch Alone by Marion Green*
*Starred titles have e-reader or PDF versions available

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For all the artists out there

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Questions to ask your spirit friends

spiritvexer:

This
post was written by Thicket, Rosemary, Tom, and Alexandria.

Questions
for all spirits

How
are you?

By
what name may I call you, if you wish to give me one?

What
offerings do you enjoy? How often do you need them? (This does not
mean you must give offerings as often as a spirit requests. Do things
on your own terms)

What
is your true nature?

What
laws do you obey?

Do
you live near me?

Why
did you answer my call today? (alternatively: Why are you here?)

How
do you manifest to me? (Visions, sensations, light orbs, etc)

What
do you like to do for fun? What are your pastimes?

What
is your preferred method of communication? (Psychic, tarot, runes,
other systems)

Is
your spirit home comfortable?

Questions
for guardians

Is
there any danger to me at this time?

What
is your normal method of protecting me? (Magic, brute force, cunning)

Are
you able to do your job alone? (Be careful, some spirits may find
this question to be insulting)

How
may I assist you in keeping me safe?

Would
you like a thoughtform to aid you in your task?

How
are my wards and shields?

In
what area are my defenses lacking?

Is
there any pitfall or dangerous situation I am getting close to?

Who
do I need to be careful of at this time?

Do
you require any healing?

What
problems can we take care of together?

Alexandria
says: “What attacks are necessary at this time?”

Tom
says: “Do not listen to Alexandria, be careful when engaging the
enemy directly.”

Questions
for guides

What
form are you most comfortable in?

Tom
and Alexandria say: “This is mostly for human curiosity and does
not really matter.” Thicket disagrees; the form a creature can take
can communicate very valuable information to the practitioner.

What
do you think about the direction I am going in?

What
paths are available to me right now?

Tom
says: “Do not agonize over the future.” I think this is personal
advice and not really a question.

What
am I doing right now that could be dangeous?

What
advice do you have for me? (Tom and Alexandria feel this is an
excellent question)

What
do you feel the outcomes are for this situation? Tom and Alexandria
warn you to not be constrained by the limited futures a guide can
show you.

How
can I improve my life right now?

How
can I aid you in your goals of guiding and directing me to a more
secure life?

What
is your goal for my life?

How
long have you been with me? (Tom and Alexandria doubt the usefulness
of this question, especially Tom. They communicate that this has no
real bearing on a spirit’s ability to do it’s job – Thicket again
disagrees)

What
situations should I contact you about? (Serious, casual, everyday,
rare)

Questions
for helpers and servants

How
are you able to assist me?

How
am I able to assist you?

Are
you able to carry out the tasks I have given you?

What
is preventing you from carrying out these tasks, if anything?

What
is your favorite task to complete?

What
do you get out of helping me?

Do
you require energy or recharging at this time?

What
do you need in order to carry out your tasks?

Do
you need a period of rest? Is it regularly required?

Have
you discovered anything important that you need to share with me?

Questions
for companions and friends

How
are you feeling today?

Is
everything comfortable for you?

Do
you feel you are receiving enough attention from me lately?

Is
there anything you would like to talk about?

Tell
me about your day. (Tom especially likes this question; Alexandria is
fond of it).

What
can I get for you right now?

Are
you pleased with your spirit home? Does it require upkeep?

What
have you been up to lately?

Have
any of your preferences changed? (Alexandria likes this question a
lot)

What
can I bring you as a special gift some time soon?

Is
there any place you would like to travel to soon?

Am
I doing anything lately that is bothering you?

How
are you getting along with my spirit family?

Do
you still enjoy the offerings you are receiving?

Other
Notes

Some
spirits appreciate being chattered to all day long, just like a close
friend. Other spirits prefer to be contacted only when a serious
matter arises, or even not at all. When greeting a new spirit, ask
them how much they would like to communicate in general.

Do
not directly ask for names. Names are serious business in the spirit
world! Instead ask, “by what name may I call you,” indicating you
are not searching for a true name. Tom feels that even these given
names should be kept somewhat secret, and another nickname used to
communicate about this spirit to humans. Alexandria somewhat agrees.
Do not be offended or worried if a spirit refuses to give you any
sort of name at all.

Do
not confuse offerings with worship. Offerings are more like gifts –
literally, you are just “offering” something to a spirit. A cup
of coffee, a shot of liquor, some food, or even a nice glass of water
makes a good gift. Just as you would offer snacks and beverages to
any guest in your home, politely offer spirits something just to be a
gracious host.

Avoid
asking questions that give spirits leverage over you. “How do you
feel about me?” is a question asked primarily by insecure people.
Tom thinks this is harsh. Alexandria thinks this is correct. Some of
these questions you may feel are somewhat unavoidable in
companionship relationships. Let me encourage you to just be careful.

Tom wishes to leave a final note: “Always be careful. Spirits are not always what they seem.”

Hello, vinur minn! (I’m learning haha!) I have a question I’ve been thinking about since I’ve started reading the Poetic Edda, and delving into the stories. To what extent do you think Snorri’s Christian background influenced his writings? Obviously, there are many parallels, and many of these parallels occur in many, many religions (ex: virgin births, Odin/Christ’s sacrifices on the tree/cross and being pierced by pointy things, etc). (Part 1)

fjorn-the-skald:

(Part 2) Natural overlap/ideas must be taken into consideration. But what about Christianity, and its influence on Snorri, specifically? Do you think that there are any particular stories or themes that are purely Norse? For example, from what I remember, the cyclical aspect (birth and rebirth of the world, the beginning, Ragnarok, and the cycle repeating) of the Norse religion is fairly unique compared to other more linear religions (such as Christianity). What are your thoughts in this? (Sorry the question is a little messy)

In sum: To what extent do you think Snorri’s Christian background influenced his writings? What about Christianity specifically? Do you think that there are any particular stories or themes that are purely Norse? What are your thoughts on this?


Velkomin(n), vinur minn!
(Welcome, my friend!)

Without a doubt, his background and time influenced his writings a great deal, but not necessarily in an intentionally malicious way. Christianity inevitably played a considerable role in this (culturally), but not in a completely restricting way, either (especially for Iceland). Besides, discussing anything “pure” is quite tricky (if not impossible). Even the Prose Edda itself, as a work of literature, was influenced by Latin treaties (in terms of form and structure, but not necessarily in purpose). Furthermore, even the concepts of rebirth surrounding Ragnarok can be found in Greek mythology and in the Old Testament (both feature Great Floods), but even in the New Testament with Jesus’ return (which in itself is a form of a reborn world). They may have different ways of telling the story, but the essence is still shared (as you have noted). Despite this, Snorri seems to have actually managed to preserve some genuine Norse lore. It may not be in the same form that it once was, and it may not be “pure” to some fictional standard version that never actually existed, but there is truth within his work; he did not simply conjure up these tales from nothing. They have mixed with a later culture, but they derive from older roots.

But that’s just the simple, quick-and-dirty way of answering your questions. We have much more to discuss if I want my words and thoughts to be taken seriously. But do keep in mind that I am a historian, which means that my thoughts are based on historical areas (social, cultural, etc.) rather than strictly literary analysis. In other words, I have not broken down individual stories to discover what is Norse and what is not, but instead I have broken down Snorri’s life and society to discover what might have contributed and influenced the creation of the Prose Edda itself.


Snorri Sturluson: Keeping the Old Alive with the New.

To get into the depth of your questions, we need to first get a grasp for who Snorri was and what kind of world he lived in. What was his education? What influenced him? What was his purpose? How would his work have been received? The answers to these questions can be found both in his personal life and in the society in which his life took place.

Snorri Sturluson’s Life and Education.

Snorri was born at Hvamm in western Iceland around the year 1179 AD to a powerful family known as the Sturlungs. He was fostered at Oddi in southern Iceland after the age of three, partly due to the death of his father. The one who fostered him was Jón Loptsson, who was both a deacon and a chieftain, but also the grandson of the Latin-writing historian Sæmundr fróði (the Learned).(1) Although Jón was a religious man, he fought strongly against the solidification of the Icelandic Church throughout the later twelfth century.(2)

As for Snorri’s education, it does not seem that he was deeply familiar with Latin; he seldom uses it, even in quotation.(3) In the end, his learning “was mostly in native lore rather than continental European writings in Latin.”(4) What he did know about Latin concepts and theological ideas came from society, from clerical friends, such as Styrmir Kárason (a priest and historian), and from “vernacular preaching in churches.”(5) Although Snorri himself was not directly exposed to Latin learning (as a student), he was, at the very least, indirectly exposed to it (as a layman) through society.

The majority of the rest of his life is filled with secular politics (which we need not concern ourselves with too much), wherein he gained considerable wealth through marriage (to Herdís Bersadóttir) and acquired connections with powerful Norwegians (such as the young King Hákon and his father-in-law Jarl Skúli).(6) He was so involved with secular affairs, in fact, that he died in 1241 while ‘feuding’ with the also powerful Icelander Gizurr Þorvaldsson.(7) Yet, no matter how involved Snorri was with secular, native life and knowledge, he was a Christian and so was the majority of his society (which had been so for over two hundred years). This inevitably impacted his writing of Norse lore and myth, but how much so? In what ways did his writing of old material reflect this new society?

Snorri’s Writing: The Debate of Influence.

Ursula and Peter Dronke, Faulkes, and Margaret Clunies Ross have all “pointed to various Latin sources, Classical, Biblical or Medieval, as possibly contributing to Snorri’s understanding of the heathen religion.”(8) Andreas Heusler, an earlier historian from the early twentieth century, even rose the question of Snorri’s authorship of the Prologue and Gylfaginning completely, calling it (the Prologue in particular) ‘ein elendes Machwerk’ (‘a sorry piece of work’).(9) To further illustrate how Snorri deviated from other authors who were, in fact, steeped in knowledge of the Latin tradition, Anthony Faulkes offers this:

“For even more remarkable is the fact that none of the writers mentioned has been able to point to any verbal correspondence in Snorri’s work with a Latin source. It is only the concepts that can be said to be similar. He has no quotations from or references to non-Icelandic works, and unlike the priest Ari Þorgilsson he does not scatter Latin words in his text, or use Latin in his headings (Ari’s surviving work is labelled Libellus Islandorum). Though he has prologues like Latin writers, Snorri’s prologues do not include the same standard topics as those of writers in Latin (see Sverrir Tómasson 1988). In his well-known discussion of the importance of skaldic verse in the prologue to Heimskringla he directly contradicts the views of most Classical historians, who generally did not regard poetry as suitable for use as a historical source.”(10)

To continue on, Snorri briefly mentions in his Prologue that the gods came from Troy, which is a point often raised by those who say that his Prose Edda is ‘corrupted’ by Christianity. This is also known as euhemerism, a concept attributed to the Greek philosopher Euhemerus (c. 300 BC), and a concept that was “widespread in the Middle Ages, usually among historians (my emphasis).”(11) Instead of portraying the old gods as the devil in disguise, as most theologians would have, Snorri went the philosophical (historical) route. Furthermore, allegory was “all-pervasive in Latin writings during the Middle Ages,” but Snorri “does not interpret mythology allegorically, nor does he derive moral teaching from it.”(12) Instead, he speaks of them rather plainly; his account seems more like “a scholarly and antiquarian attempt to record the beliefs of his ancestors without prejudice” for the sake the skaldic art which was still alive in his day (but at risk of losing its older roots).(13) In further regards to Troy, Faulkes has this to say:

“So this way of reading mythology is closest to euhemerism: the Greek and Trojan heroes came to be regarded as gods after their deaths, their deeds were transferred into supernatural ones, and their names changed. It is nothing like the allegories of Latin tradition, and there is little or no moralisation. The writer of this passage, whether is was Snorri or not, had clearly come across allegory, but has not fully understood how it works (my emphasis). His allegorisation of the Greek story does not give it any coherent non-historical meaning. His equivalences are also mostly preposterous, and there are many mistakes or misunderstandings of the Greek story. It cannot be used as evidence that the author was greatly acquainted with Medieval Latin tradition.”(14)

In the end, when looking more closely at Snorri’s work, it is evident that he was not professionally trained in the Latin tradition. Instead, the Christian influences that made their way into Snorri’s rendition of Norse mythology do not come from education or learned ‘bias’, but rather from the influence of his society. Thus, it was not just Snorri’s own Christian background that influenced his writing; he was influenced by (and perhaps to a greater extent) the cultural environment in which he grew up and worked in. Snorri’s attempt to preserve the Old was true, but he inevitably mixed it with the New in order to ensure it survived by making old lore relatable to a drastically different world.

Snorri’s Cultural Environment: The Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries.

What determined the degree of Christian influence in his works, then, was not even an active desire to Christianize older material, but rather to rationalize it within the framework of his own, later time; he had to make heathen gods and stories appealing and useful to a Christianized culture.

To provide a bit of historical context, the Icelandic church had been consolidating throughout the twelfth century, before Snorri’s birth. Although the Icelanders had been Christian since around the year 1000, the real founding years of the Icelandic Church were during the years of Bishop Gizurr (1082-1118), the first true bishop of Skálholt.(15) The bishopric of Skálholt (which is fairly close to Oddi) is traditionally dated to having been founded in 1056. Another bishopric was then established at Hólar under Jón Ögmundarson (1106-21), who swiftly began a cathedral school there.(16) During this time, under Bishop Gizurr (and beyond), Christianity began to expand. In 1096, tithing was introduced to Iceland, and by 1133, Iceland had its first monastery (and would gain six more by the end of the medieval period) at Þingeyjar in Húnavatnsþing; in 1186, Iceland’s first nunnery was established at Kirkjubær in Skaftafelsþing.(17)

Even before Snorri’s birth, Christianity was rapidly being embraced and expanded by Icelandic society and culture. Oddi, where Snorri was fostered, was not only near Skálholt, and thus inevitably exposed to its cultural and learning environment, but also regarded as a place of learning with a latin school.(18) Although Snorri himself likely did not learn at such a school, he would have been influenced by those who had, and the ideas that flowed in that region as a result.

I suppose the question we must turn to, then, is how did goðar (chieftains, of which Snorri was a part) adapt to the presence of Christianity? How did Christianity transform their role, and how, then, did it influence them?

Before Christianity, the goðar were also pagan priests. Although it is not known when goðar began to seek Christian learning, it is not unreasonable to assume that they maintained their dual role as both social and religious authorities by, to put it simply, switching gods.(19) As a result, lay aristocracy began to intermingle with the tasks often reserved to Churchmen in continental Europe. Iceland soon felt tension as some Church authorities began to push for a separation, which began in the late twelfth century (especially with St. Þorlákr) and early thirteenth century. This struggle is what Snorri grew up with, and the Church never quite separated itself from lay society during his time.

***

Snorri himself was far more concerned with secular life than religious learning, but he was inevitably exposed to both worlds given his position and upbringing. Furthermore, the world that he was communicating to was now deeply Christian, which is stressed by the fact that secular authorities had even embraced Christianity into their domain; it was more and more a part of everyday life. Thus, even though his formal Christian background was quite meager (educationally speaking), he lived within a culture and society that now communicated through a different lens. It was this cultural lens, more than his own personal background, that truly influenced his work. Since this lens now dominated their worldview, it obscured any old material that passed through it. Such is the natural process for historical information, for even today the lens of present experience filters and ‘alters’ meaning, interpretation, and significance.

So, if not to Christianize older material, why did Snorri write the Prose Edda? To what benefit did he see old lore to such a Christianized culture and society? Anthony Faulkes has words better than I on this, and I would like to close our discussion with them:

“Sagas and poetry on native subjects were not the only sorts of writing cultivated in Iceland. Literature of other kinds was penetrating the north from southern Europe. From early in the twelfth century at least, saints’ lives and other Latin works had been known and soon translated in Iceland. Stories of love and chivalry, like that of Tristram and Yseult, and ballads, were becoming known and popular in Scandinavia. It is likely that Snorri Sturluson, traditional aristocrat as he was, would have foreseen that the traditional poetry of the skalds was to be superseded on the one hand by the writing of prose sagas (an activity in which he himself engaged, ironically with greater success that his poetical compositions), and on the other by new kinds of poetry in different metres and on new themes. It seems that he wrote his Edda as a treatise on traditional skaldic verse to try to keep interest in it alive and to encourage young people to continue to compose in the traditional Scandinavian oral style, although in form the work itself is highly literary and owes much to the newly introduced tradition of Latin learned treatises.”(20)

In the end, it is difficult (if not impossible), to sort out what is “purely” Norse against what is Christian influence from his contemporary cultural environment. What we do know, however, was that Snorri gathered genuine Norse lore and, through a new form of expression, brought it into conversation with a Christian culture; he aimed to make old lore relevant to a new, Christianized society. And so, to answer your question, I would say that his personal background influenced him less than his society did, and that Christianity only dramatically influenced his work in terms of form and presentation. Even Snorri himself should have known that such lore once orally told never had a concrete, singular form; but his writing had to subject it to such stagnancy if it were to be preserved amid the influx of ‘foreign’ culture; his society was becoming more and more literate, and thus becoming less oral. He did what he felt necessary to promote and educate the new, younger generation in the old, traditional art form of skaldic poetry.

That said, he was not hostile to his contemporary society; he was not a pagan, nor was he promoting a resurgence in paganism. In fact, if anything truly influenced his writing of Norse myth, it was his purpose. His goal was not to create an objective history of Norse lore, but rather to make it useful to a new society. Even today, most historians do not find an objective history plausible. Historians create narratives from a chaotic past; we make stories out of scrambled evidence that we can relate to. Snorri was no different. He gathered scattered bits of tradition and brought them together into a narrative that himself and his contemporaries could better understand and appreciate.

Með vinsemd og virðingu,
(With friendliness and respect,)
— Fjorn


ENDNOTES:
1. Anthony Faulkes, “Snorri Sturluson: his life and work” (London: Viking Society for Northern Research), 1.
2. Ibid. Secular and religious (Christian) life were strongly intertwined in Iceland. The Church began to push for autonomy, but the secular ‘lords’ pushed back against them.
3. Ibid. He easily could have been, but our historical records do not show us enough to be confident in making such an assertion.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid., 1, 3.
7. Ibid., 3.
8. Anthony Faulkes, “The influence of the Latin Tradition on Snorri Sturluson’s writings,” (London: Viking Society for Northern Research), 1.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid., 2.
11. Ibid., 3-4.
12. Ibid., 5.
13. Anthony Faulkes, “Introduction,” in Edda (London: Everyman, 1995), xviii.
14. Faulkes, “The Influence of Latin Tradition…,” 7.
15. Gunnar Karlsson, The History of Iceland (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), 38. Technically speaking, Ísleifr was the first, but he was “hardly more than a missionary bishop.” Ari Þorgilsson credits Gizurr as being the one who “laid down as law that the see of the bishop that was in Iceland should be at Skálholt, whereas before it had been nowhere…”
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid., 39.
18. Ibid., 41.
19. Ibid., 40.
20. Anthony Faulkes, “Introduction,” in Edda (London: Everyman, 1995), xiii.


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